Thursday 15 February 2018

The Structure of Scientific Revolutions

The Structure of Scientific
Revolutions

Second Edition, Enlarged
Thomas S. Kuhn
VOLUMES I AND II • FOUNDATIONS OF THE UNITY OF SCIENCE
VOLUME II • NUMBER 2
The Structure of Scientific Revolutions
Thomas S. Kuhn
Contents:
PREFACE ...................................................... v
I. INTRODUCTION: A ROLE FOR HISTORY ............ 1
II. THE ROUTE TO NORMAL SCIENCE .................... 10
III. THE NATURE OF NORMAL SCIENCE ................. 23
IV. NORMAL SCIENCE AS PUZZLE-SOLVING ........... 35
V. THE PRIORITY OF PARADIGMS .......................... 43
VI. ANOMALY AND THE EMERGENCE OF SCIENTIFIC DISCOVERIES 52
VII. CRISIS AND THE EMERGENCE OF SCIENTIFIC THEORIES 66
VIII. THE RESPONSE TO CRISIS ................................. 77
IX. THE NATURE AND NECESSITY OF SCIENTIFIC REVOLUTIONS 92
X. REVOLUTIONS AS CHANGES OF WORLD VIEW ...... 111
XI. THE INVISIBILITY OF REVOLUTIONS ................. 136
XII. THE RESOLUTION OF REVOLUTIONS ................ 144
XIII. PROGRESS THROUGH REVOLUTIONS ................ 160
Postscript-1969 ................................................ 174
iii

Preface
The essay that follows is the first full published report on a project
originally conceived almost fifteen years ago. At that time I was a
graduate student in theoretical physics already within sight of the end
of my dissertation. A fortunate involvement with an experimental
college course treating physical science for the non-scientist provided
my first exposure to the history of science. To my complete surprise, that
exposure to out-of-date scientific theory and practice radically
undermined some of my basic conceptions about the nature of science
and the reasons for its special success.
Those conceptions were ones I had previously drawn partly from
scientific training itself and partly from a long-standing avocational
interest in the philosophy of science. Somehow, whatever their
pedagogic utility and their abstract plausibility, those notions did not at
all fit the enterprise that historical study displayed. Yet they were and
are fundamental to many discussions of science, and their failures of
verisimilitude therefore seemed thoroughly worth pursuing. The result
was a drastic shift in my career plans, a shift from physics to history of
science and then, gradually, from relatively straightforward historical
problems back to the more philosophical concerns that had initially led
me to history. Except for a few articles, this essay is the first of my
published works in which these early concerns are dominant. In some
part it is an attempt to explain to myself and to friends how I happened
to be drawn from science to its history in the first place.
My first opportunity to pursue in depth some of the ideas set forth
below was provided by three years as a Junior Fellow of the Society of
Fellows of Harvard University. Without that period of freedom the
transition to a new field of study would have been far more difficult and
might not have been achieved. Part of my time in those years was
devoted to history of science proper. In particular I continued to study
the writings of Alex-
Vol. II, No. 2

Vol. II, No. 2
vi
Preface
senschaftlichen Tatsache (Basel, 1935), an essay that anticipates many of
my own ideas. Together with a remark from another Junior Fellow,
Francis X. Sutton, Fleck’s work made me realize that those ideas might
require to be set in the sociology of the scientific community. Though
readers will find few references to either these works or conversations
below, I am indebted to them in more ways than I can now reconstruct
or evaluate.
During my last year as a Junior Fellow, an invitation to lecture for the
Lowell Institute in Boston provided a first chance to try out my still
developing notion of science. The result was a series of eight public
lectures, delivered during March, 1951, on “The Quest for Physical
Theory.” In the next year I began to teach history of science proper, and
for almost a decade the problems of instructing in a field I had never
systematically studied left little time for explicit articulation of the ideas
that had first brought me to it. Fortunately, however, those ideas proved
a source of implicit orientation and of some problem-structure for much
of my more advanced teaching. I therefore have my students to thank
for invaluable lessons both about the viability of my views and about the
techniques appropriate to their effective communication. The same
problems and orientation give unity to most of the dominantly
historical, and apparently diverse, studies I have published since the end
of my fellowship. Several of them deal with the integral part played by
one or another metaphysic in creative scientific research. Others
examine the way in which the experimental bases of a new theory are
accumulated and assimilated by men committed to an incompatible
older theory. In the process they describe the type of development that I
have below called the “emergence” of a new theory or discovery. There
are other such ties besides.
The final stage in the development of this essay began with an
invitation to spend the year 1958-59 at the Center for Advanced Studies
in the Behavioral Sciences. Once again I was able to give undivided
attention to the problems discussed below. Even more important,
spending the year in a community
Vol. II, No. 2
vii
Preface
composed predominantly of social scientists confronted me with
unanticipated problems about the differences between such
communities and those of the natural scientists among whom I had
been trained. Particularly, I was struck by the number and extent of the
overt disagreements between social scientists about the nature of
legitimate scientific problems and methods. Both history and
acquaintance made me doubt that practitioners of the natural sciences
possess firmer or more permanent answers to such questions than their
colleagues in social science. Yet, somehow, the practice of astronomy,
physics, chemistry, or biology normally fails to evoke the controversies
over fundamentals that today often seem endemic among, say,
psychologists or sociologists. Attempting to discover the source of that
difference led me to recognize the role in scientific research of what I
have since called “paradigms.” These I take to be universally recognized
scientific achievements that for a time provide model problems and
solutions to a community of practitioners. Once that piece of my puzzle
fell into place, a draft of this essay emerged rapidly.
The subsequent history of that draft need not be recounted here, but
a few words must be said about the form that it has preserved through
revisions. Until a first version had been completed and largely revised, I
anticipated that the manuscript would appear exclusively as a volume in
the Encyclopedia of Unified Science. The editors of that pioneering work
had first solicited it, then held me firmly to a commitment, and finally
waited with extraordinary tact and patience for a result. I am much
indebted to them, particularly to Charles Morris, for wielding the
essential goad and for advising me about the manuscript that resulted.
Space limits of the Encyclopedia made it necessary, however, to present
my views in an extremely condensed and schematic form. Though
subsequent events have somewhat relaxed those restrictions and have
made possible simultaneous independent publication, this work remains
an essay rather than the full-scale book my subject will ultimately
demand. 


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